Chief Femi Fani-Kayode has written an opinion piece criticizing Atiku Abubakar, but his claims have been disputed. Fani-Kayode alleges that Atiku has made seven attempts to become president, but this is misleading. Atiku has indeed sought the presidency since 1993, but not in the manner Fani-Kayode suggests. Atiku was not a presidential candidate in the 1993, 2011, or 2015 general elections; instead, those were contests for party nominations. He actually appeared on the presidential ballot in 2007, 2019, and 2023.

Fani-Kayode's comparison of Atiku to politicians from other countries is also flawed. He counts Atiku's unsuccessful party primaries as presidential elections, which is not a like-for-like comparison. For example, Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal contested his country's presidential election multiple times before winning. Nigeria's Constitution does not disqualify anyone from seeking election based on the number of times they have run. Section 137 only bars a person who has already been elected President twice. The decision to judge Atiku's persistence lies with the voters, not Fani-Kayode.

Fani-Kayode claims that Atiku has belonged to seven political parties, but this is also inaccurate. The People's Front of Nigeria (PFN) was not a registered political party; it was a political association formed during the Babangida transition. Fani-Kayode himself has a history of switching parties, having joined the APC, returned to the PDP, and then rejoined the APC in 2021. Party switching is a legitimate subject for scrutiny, but Fani-Kayode's criticism should be consistent.

Fani-Kayode presents his interpretation of the Obasanjo-Atiku conflict in 2003 as fact, but the historical record is more complicated. Atiku has stated that PDP governors approached him to challenge President Obasanjo for the party ticket, but he declined. Other published accounts confirm that powerful PDP governors did consider replacing Obasanjo and approached Atiku. However, accounts differ on Atiku's exact conduct and the negotiations that followed. Fani-Kayode's recollection is not incontrovertible proof of "treachery."

Fani-Kayode also bundles the Mambilla arbitration with other matters to imply established corruption findings. However, the ICC tribunal's decision was more nuanced. The tribunal rejected explanations for a $500,000 transfer made by Sunrise promoter Leno Adesanya, but it did not find that Atiku corruptly awarded the Mambilla contract to Sunrise. The tribunal expressly stated that there was no evidence that Vice-President Atiku Abubakar exercised his official duties to foster the award of the contract.

Fani-Kayode describes Atiku's engagement with a Washington-based firm, Von Batten-Montague-York, as a "foreign hired gun" employed for $1.2 million. However, the engagement was publicly filed with the US Department of Justice under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. The filing states that the firm was retained for government-affairs representation and strategic advisory work. People may debate the wisdom of employing an international strategic firm, but Fani-Kayode's characterization adds heat, not facts.

Fani-Kayode also misrepresents Atiku's proposal on petroleum subsidies. Atiku has proposed a production subsidy restricted to petroleum products refined in Nigeria, not a return to subsidizing imported petrol. The distinction is important, as Atiku's proposal aims to support local refining, not perpetuate a system that has been criticized for inefficiencies.

Key points

  • Fani-Kayode's claims against Atiku Abubakar have been disputed, with many of his allegations relying on misrepresentations or flawed comparisons.
  • Atiku Abubakar has sought the presidency multiple times, but not in the manner suggested by Fani-Kayode.
  • The Mambilla arbitration did not find that Atiku corruptly awarded the contract to Sunrise.

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SaharaWire Newsroom
SaharaWire

Reporting for SaharaWire from the Nairobi bureau.